MONDAY 28 JULY - Summer Diplomatic Party

MONDAY 30 JUNE - Mark Francois MP, Shadow Minister for Europe

MONDAY 19 MAY - Ambassador of Bulgaria

MONDAY 28 APRIL - Ambassador of the Republic of Uzbekistan

MONDAY 25 FEBRUARY, Ambassador of Portugal, House of Commons

MONDAY 21 JANUARY, Ambassador of Denmark, House of Commons

2007

MONDAY 3 DECEMBER, Timothy Kirkhope MEP, Leader of the Conservatives in the European Parliament, House of Commons, 7.00pm

MONDAY 5 NOVEMBER, Ambassador of Mongolia, House of Commons, 6.45pm

MONDAY 22 OCTOBER, Talk on Korea, House of Commons, 6.30pm

MONDAY 23 JULY, Annual Diplomatic Summer Party

MONDAY 18 JUNE, Acting Commissioner for Bangladesh, Meeting in the Houses of Parliament

MONDAY 30 APRIL, Ambassador of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Meeting in the House of Commons

MONDAY 26 MARCH, Dr Arjan Gjonça, (LSE) - Foreign relations of Albania

MONDAY 26 FEBRUARY, James Sherr (Lincoln College, Oxford) – Russia: What is wrong? What lies ahead?

MONDAY 29 JANUARY, Gerald Howarth MP, Shadow Defence Minister, to talk on The role of Military Diplomacy, meeting in the House of Commons

Monday 27th November, 6.30 - 8.30pm, Dr John Swenson-Wright, Lecturer in Modern Japanese Studies - University of Cambridge, to talk on North and South Korea, meeting in the House of Commons

Monday 30th October, 6.30 - 8.30pm, Ambassador of Colombia, meeting in the House of Commons

Monday 25th September, 12.30 - 2.30pm, High Commissioner for Mauritius - HE Abhimanu Mahendra Kundasamy - meeting in the House of Commons

Monday 24th July, 6.45 - 8.45pm, Annual Diplomatic Party

Monday 12th June, 6.30pm, Ms Frances Adamson, Deputy Australian High Commissioner to the UK

Monday 8th May, 6.30pm, Mark Tokola - Minister Counselor for Economic Affairs, US Embassy

Monday 27th March, 6.00pm, Ambassador of Israel

Monday 27th February, 6.30pm, John Bowis OBE MEP, London Member

Monday 9th January, 12.30pm, Ambassador of France - House of Commons

2005

Monday 14th November, 6.45pm, Dr Julian Lewis MP, Shadow Defence Minister

Monday 17th October, [AGM at 6.00pm] 6.30pm - Brazilian Ambassador - House of Commons

Monday 26th September, 12.15 for 12.30pm - Italian Ambassador - House of Commons - note LUNCHTIME

Monday 11th July - Annual Diplomatic Garden Party, by kind permission of the Chairman, in Central London

Monday 20th June - Japanese Ambassador - House of Commons

Monday 14th March - Private Meeting - Zimbabwe - House of Commons

Tuesday 1st February - Ambassador of the League of Arab States - House of Commons

Ladies and gentlemen,

Thank you for inviting me to participate in today's meeting. It is a great honour for me to speak to such a distinguished audience about the main directions of the Foreign policy of Uzbekistan.

I. What does represent Uzbekistan? It is:
1. Country which has always been situated in the crossroad of world civilizations and was a key part of the Great Silk Road. We are proud of our rich history and role in the development of world civilization – our scientists, as al-Khorezmi, Avicenna, al-Beruni and Mirzo Ulughbek made their invaluable contribution into formation of mathematics, medicine and astronomy. Imam al-Bukhari, who devoted his life to the collection of materials on the life of the Prophet Muhammad, which were then united into the book of Hadith, became one of the most respected people in Islam.
2. Country with the biggest population in Central Asia (27mln out of more than 50mln people) and the only one that borders with all other countries of the region and Afghanistan. More than 100 ethnic groups coexist in harmony and peace in Uzbekistan.
3. Young independent secular state, firmly upholding its own development model, but always open for dialogue and perceptive for positive experience. One of the important centres of interweaving of global geo-economic and geopolitical interests, which create great opportunities for development, as well as serious challenges.
4. Economy developing on sustainable basis (GDP growth in 2007 made up 9,5%) and great intellectual and scientific potential. The country attracts more and more foreign investments (in 2007 their volume exceeded 4,3 billion US dollars). Transition period from administrative system into market economy is over in Uzbekistan.
All of these objectively determine the adequate role of our country in the regional and international processes.
After declaration of the national independence on 31st August 1991, Uzbekistan obtained the opportunity to determine and implement its foreign policy independently on the basis of the national interests.
As accentuated by the President of Uzbekistan Islam Karimov, “realization of active, multifaceted external policy, adequate to the national interests, - is necessary condition and important means of strengthening the sovereignty of our country, overcoming of economical hardships and improving life of the people”.
The foundation of the foreign policy is the Constitution, the article 17 of which states: “Uzbekistan shall have full rights in international relations. Its foreign policy shall be based on the principles of sovereign equality of the states, non use of force or threat of its use, inviolability of frontiers, peaceful settlement of disputes, non interference in the internal affairs of other states, and other universally recognized norms of international law”.
Before the independence, there were no foreign embassies in the country. Now, there are more than 40 embassies, 28 representation offices of international organisations and 2 trade representations in Uzbekistan. Diplomatic relations have been established with more than 120 foreign states. Uzbekistan has 42 diplomatic missions abroad (13 of them in Europe).
Uzbekistan is a member of number of authoritative international organizations, particularly the UN, Commonwealth of Independent States, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Collective Security Treaty Organization, Euro-Asian Economic Community, Organization of Islamic Conference, OSCE and Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The country takes part in the activities of UNESCO, WHO, ILO, as well as international financial organizations - ECO, IMF, ADB, IDB and EBRD.
During the years of independent foreign policy, Uzbekistan has demonstrated its openness to cooperation with all countries and proven itself as a reliable and responsible partner.

II. During 17 years of independence, Uzbekistan has put forward and implemented a number of important foreign policy initiatives.
1. It’s necessary to have peace and stability for sustainable political and economic cooperation in the region. That is why, in 1999 at the OSCE Istanbul summit and during UN Millennium Summit in 2000, President Islam Karimov proposed to establish International Counter-Terrorism Centre within the UN structure. International community supported and advanced this initiative – in 2001 the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee was established.
2. Another key direction is counteraction against narco-aggression. During the visit of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to Uzbekistan in October 2002, our national leader put forward the idea of creating the Central Asian Regional Information and Coordination Centre on combating against drug trafficking (CARICC). The Centre is designed to create databases on drug trafficking and other related crimes. It will function soon in Almaty.
3. We realize that there is direct link between the issues of strategic security and problem of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. In this regard, at 48th Session of the UN General Assembly in 1993, President of Uzbekistan voiced an initiative to establish the Nuclear Weapons Free Zone in Central Asia. After 4 years, in November 1997, UN General Assembly resolution was adopted calling for establishment of the zone.
Along with Central Asian countries, the IAEA participated in practical realization of this idea. The Treaty establishing the Central Asian Nuclear Weapon Free Zone was signed by 5 states of Central Asia in Semipalatinsk on 8 September 2006. Russia and China supported the treaty by their assurances.
4. Normalization of the situation in neighbouring Afghanistan has a crucial role in ensuring stability in Central Asia. At the 48th session of UN GAy in 1993, our country proposed to hold the first international seminar-consultation on the problems of regional security, and at the 50th anniversary session in 1995 - suggested initiative on placing an embargo on weapons supply to this state.
Uzbekistan became an initiator of the formation of “6+2” Contact Group on Afghanistan under the aegis of the UN, which included 6 bordering countries, Russia and the USA. In July of 1999, a conference of this group took place in our capital, where “Tashkent Declaration on main principles of peaceful settlement of conflict in Afghanistan” had been adopted and on the basis of which the corresponding resolution of the UN Security Council had been passed. The group had functioned effectively until 2001.
Uzbekistan believes that now it is expedient to resume the process of negotiations in the framework of this group. The President of our country stated about it at the NATO summit in Bucharest on April 3, 2008. In view of present realities, the contact group should be transformed from “6+2” to “6+3” with participation of NATO.
The leader of Uzbekistan stated our readiness to discuss and sign with NATO the Agreement on providing the transit corridor through its territory to deliver non-military cargos to Afghanistan via the border junction Termez-Khayraton, which is practically the only railway connection with this country.

III. Current priorities of foreign policy of Uzbekistan have been defined in the keynote speech of the President Karimov at the joint session of Chambers of Oliy Majlis (Parliament) in January 2005.
One of the main directions remains the strengthening good relations with our neighbours – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. The agenda of dialogue with them comprises the issues of deepening the economical integration, environmental protection, rational water usage, realization of transport-communication projects, ensuring the regional security. In our opinion, Central Asia is turning from an object of the policy of leading powers into an active member of global processes.
A key role has the cooperation with Russia. Both countries share a common vision of ways of counteraction to terrorism, extremism and drug trafficking. Russia is the largest trade partner of Uzbekistan (annual trade turnover amounts to 4 billion US dollars, supposed volume of investment by “Gazprom” and “LUKoil” makes up more then 2,5 billion dollars.). In November 2005, Agreement on Allied Relations between Uzbekistan and Russia has been signed.
Active participation in the CIS responds to our national interests. This organization played its positive role in prevention of chaotic break-up of many-sided relations among the republics of former USSR and formation of new mechanisms of interaction. We do not consider that the potential of the CIS is exhausted, but its serious reform is required.
Important direction of foreign policy is strengthening of comprehensive relations with the USA, Germany, France, United Kingdom and other member-states of the European Union.
Uzbekistan is prepared for a constructive cooperation with the West on the principles of mutual respect, consideration of interests of parties and non-interference in internal affairs. We believe that there is a number of areas where we could successfully cooperate on a long-term basis.
Uzbekistan was actively involved in the development of the EU Strategy on Central Asia, which was adopted in June of 2007. We presented our concrete proposals to its draft, more than 50% of which were included into the document.
Uzbekistan is actively collaborating with the countries of South Asia and Asia-Pacific region. One of the main partners is China with which Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership Relations was signed in May 2005. Within the next few years, China has an intention of investing into our economy about 1,5 billion US dollars and the volume of trade turnover exceeds 1 billion US dollars. Productive intergovernmental relations are developing with Japan, South Korea, India and Pakistan.
In the last years, cooperation with Arab countries has been raised to a new level taking a strategic character. I would like to emphasize the relations with the UAE, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Jordan and Bahrain. We carry out political interaction with Arab countries in the UN and the Organisation Islamic Conference through the development of common approaches to a number of issues of mutual interest.
In our view, today the United Nations as a global structure has no alternative in ensuring security and sustainable development. At the same time we believe that the rise of new challenges and threats in international arena requires the reform of this Organization. The reform must reflect the principles of sovereign equality, peaceful solution of conflicts, promote the rise of prestige and effectiveness of UN in the solution of international issues, and base on the principles of democracy and wide international consensus.
Uzbekistan attaches great significance to the participation in activities of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Its Regional Anti-terrorist Structure (RATS) being an effective mechanism in fighting against security threats is functioning in Tashkent. Another key direction - construction of new transportation corridors in the territory of SCO countries - may become a natural transit bridge from Asia-Pacific region to Europe and Middle East.
The main priority of our participation in the OSCE is also a reforming of the organization. We are in favour of such reform of the OSCE, which would strengthen its ability to adequately respond to the threats and challenges of 21st century and applicability on the whole zone of its responsibility.

IV. Special place has the policy and cooperation in human dimension. In the course of relatively short period of time, Uzbekistan achieved essential results in ensuring human rights, development of democracy and building of civil society. Today one may observe in many examples, that the model chosen by us is fully justified, as it presupposes progressive and evolutionary changes.
This year we celebrate the 60th anniversary of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was the first international document joined by Uzbekistan after obtaining its independence. This anniversary is marked with significant achievements in our country.
From the 1st of January of this year death penalty was abolished in Uzbekistan and “Habeas corpus” was introduced. Death penalty was substituted with life imprisonment, which is set only for 2 types of crimes: murder with aggravating circumstances and terrorism. This type of punishment cannot be applied with regard to women and people who are younger than 18 and older than 60 years.
A solid system of human rights and freedoms is created in the country. More than 300 laws have been adopted, the Institute of Ombudsman has been formed, more than 5 thousand NGOs, National Centre for Human Rights, National Association of NGOs, Foundation of support to NGOs, Institute of Civil Society Studies are functioning. 5 political parties which promote the interests of different segments of the population have been formed and are functioning in the Parliament.
At the same time, we realize that yet much needs to be done, and therefore we do not intend to stop on achieved. In this context, Uzbekistan shows natural interest to study the experience of Britain and other Western countries. We are ready to utilise this experience, taking into account the mentality, historical and cultural traditions of our people.
Human rights and democracy issues are included into the agenda of our dialogue with the European Union. Uzbekistan is the first and only country in Central Asia which has institutional “Dialogue on Human Rights” with the EU and holds its sessions annually.
At the same time, history clearly shows that there is no universal model of democracy, which could be equally suitable for all nations. Democracy is the product of internal development of the nation. In this regard, we welcome when we are helped to develop democracy in our country on the basis of partnership, equality and mutual respect. In other words, if to paraphrase Sir Winston Churchill, "we are always ready to learn although we do not always like being taught".
There is a clear understanding in Uzbekistan that a sustainable development of a country, the quality of life and health of its population can be guaranteed only with provision of the quality of environment. As it was stated by a great English thinker Francis Bacon, “We cannot command Nature except by obeying her”.
The most troubling topic is drying up of Aral Sea, which pulls a number of ecological problems. During the last 50 years, the area of Aral Sea water square has been reduced more than 5 times, the water level has dropped by 24 meters, its volume decreased for 10 times. New deserts are emerging in near Aral zone.
With aim to solve the Aral problem, large-scale programs directed at social-economic development of Republic of Karakalpakstan and Khorezm province, which are the part of near Aral zone, are being realized. The last studies are showing that the situation has a tendency towards improvement.
At the same time we realize that this crisis can be effectively solved only with the participation of other countries in the region and assistance of international community. In this context, an international conference "Problems of Aral: impact on the gene pool of population, flora and fauna and international cooperation for mitigating consequences" was held on 12 March 2008 in Tashkent by the initiative of President Islam Karimov. Participants of the forum elaborated specific recommendations for further solution of this problem.
The issues of rational usage of water resources of trans-bordering rivers of the region – Amu-darya and Syr-darya have a special significance. Today this concerns directly more than 50 millions of people, what requires well thought-out decisions in the usage of water resources, first of all the river flowing that bear trans-border character, in the interests of all countries and people of Central Asia. Otherwise, this can further aggravate the situation with water supply downstream the Amu-Darya and Syr-Darya, accelerate environmental catastrophe of the drying Aral Sea and impede sustainable development of tens of millions of people in the region.
According to the international law, all states that use international watercourse in their territories should take "all measures to prevent other states of watercourse from significant damages", and in case of infliction - implement measures “to eliminate or reduce such damage". In our view, the emerging controversy should be resolved bilaterally, between the countries of our region. Any involvement of outside forces should not lead to deepening of the problem.

V. I would like to recall that the history of relations between Uzbekistan and United Kingdom did not begin from the time of "Great Game" in the 19th century. Back in the early 15th century, in 1402, the great ruler of Samarkand Amir Temur and English King Henry IV exchanged letters, after which we can count the chronicle of our diplomatic relations.
Uzbekistan supports development of stable and long-term relationship with Britain and welcomes new dynamics in the bilateral political dialogue. In our view, there are avenues of common interests where we can efficiently cooperate on bilateral and multilateral levels. We have a good legal basis, which consists of more than 10 sighed bilateral documents.
In particular, this is relevant to the trade and investment cooperation where great unperformed opportunities exist. They were revealed during the 14th session of Uzbek-British Trade and Investments Council (UBTIC), which took place in November, 2007 in London. The next meeting of UBTIC is planned for autumn this year in Tashkent.
United Kingdom is one of largest trade partners of Uzbekistan among the EU countries. Royal Bank of Scotland, Oxus Gold, BAT, Rosehill Energy and other British companies are working successfully on the Uzbek market. Up to 10 new companies are planning to do business in our country. Perspective spheres are agricultural, textile, oil and gas, chemical, mining and construction industry, Clean Development Mechanism projects, transport communication, tourism, pharmacy and banking.
Cultural cooperation has a good basis and perspective as well. Regional Office of the British Council, which was opened in 1996 by His Royal Highness Prince Charles of Wales, as well as the International Westminster University are functioning in Tashkent.
We are developing productive educational and scientific ties with the Central Asian Forum of Cambridge University, School of Oriental and African Studies of London University and International Institute of Strategic Studies. There are good opportunities to intensify exchanges in the framework of the “2008 – Year of Youth” in Uzbekistan and upcoming celebration of 2200 anniversary of Tashkent in 2009.
We welcome ongoing increase of interest towards our country from the UK citizens. For instance, tourist volume from Britain to Uzbekistan increased by 20% in 2007 and 30% in the first quarter of 2008.

VI. In conclusion, I would like to stress that taking into account the tremendous historical role of the British Parliament in the formation of country's foreign policy, we expect from you and your colleagues a better understanding and comprehension of Uzbekistan and unrealized potential and benefits of bilateral relations in all fields.
I do believe that with your contribution traditional good ties, both of deep and recent history, will be advanced in the nearest future.
Thank you for your attention.

Summary

The main objectives of the Portuguese foreign policy are to promote and to protect our interests abroad, both at bilateral and multilateral level. To that end, the Portuguese diplomacy acts in the political, economic, cultural and defence fields, keeping a close contact with all the concerned departments of the Administration, as well as with the companies and the institutions that already pursue or intend to start to develop their activities in other countries. Special attention and support is also dedicated to the Portuguese communities living abroad, which, today, represent a total of 5 million people. Apart from these goals, we established priorities in our external relations that are very much determined by strategic, geographic and historic reasons.

It is a matter of fact, that since Portugal reached independence, in 1143, our ties with Europe were a priority in our foreign policy. Through the centuries, as I mentioned earlier, we have privileged a special relationship with the maritime power, in order to preserve our independence and territorial integrity. Nowadays, the European Union represents more than 80% of our exchanges in the fields of trade and investment and with its member countries we share the same culture and values.

Within the EU, Portugal actively follows the process of European construction, defending the interests of the Portuguese citizens and contributing for the achievement of the Union’s internal and external goals. In the latter area, it is important for us to establish a consensus with the other Member States on foreign policy issues, regarding, for instance, the positions that the EU shall adopt in international conflicts and in its relations with the emerging economies and Africa.

The United States of America is also a key partner, in particular after the 2nd World War, and the Portuguese government also attaches great importance to our participation in NATO, an Alliance that proved to be indispensable to secure peace during the Cold War and afterwards.

We do believe that the United Nations is an essential forum to preserve peace and stability in the world and for consultations and debate of all the issues that request a global response, such as human rights, sustainable development, terrorism, drugs, non-proliferation, climate change and epidemics. Portugal actively participates in the UN system.

The relations with the other seven Portuguese speaking countries are also, by historical and cultural reasons, one of the priorities of our foreign policy. Together, we have established a Community (CPLP), which is a useful Forum of consultation and for cooperation in the most important governmental areas.

Distinguished guests, Ladies and Gentlemen.

Thank you for offering me this opportunity to address this important gathering on the foreign policy of Denmark.

Let me start with some facts - 6 pieces of information.

1. Denmark spends 0.8 % of GDP per year on development assistance - in addition to our share of EU assistance.
2. Denmark contributes - on a per capita basis - more soldiers to international military peace keeping and peace making operations than virtually any other European country, namely more than 220 per million inhabitants.
3. Denmark - less than 5,5 million inhabitants - has 700 soldiers in Afghanistan, including a combat group in the Helmand province, fighting the Taliban alongside British troops. Again last week, Danish soldiers, supported by heavy Danish armour, were successfully involved in fighting the Taliban in the Gereshk Valley, pushing the Taliban further away from Gereshk. We have unfortunately sustained significant losses over the past year. We also were present in Basra with a battalion-sized unit until last year and with helicopters until December.
4. Danes are comfortable with globalisation. 3 out of 4 Danes consider globalisation to be an opportunity, rather than a threat. In Denmark, 240.000 jobs disappear every year. And 250.000 new jobs are created.
5. Believe it or not: Danes are comfortable with the European Union as well. In fact, 7 out of 10 Danes are fundamentally happy with the European Union.
6. And according to serious research carried out by Cambridge University, the Danes are the happiest people in EU15 with a lot of social capital - strong trust in one another, in private business, in public institutions, in the politicians of the land.

What is foreign policy actually about in a country with these features?

Our Foreign Minister, Dr. Per Stig Møller, has said that the whole purpose of Danish foreign policy is to ensure as much freedom as possible to conduct our internal policies in the way we want to. Perhaps this reflects very well that in Denmark, we are fully aware that the outside world is terribly important to our economic well-being and security.

Dr. Møller's remark also illustrates that we are pretty certain that somehow our fundamental security concerns are taken well into account through our active participation in NATO, in the EU, in the United Nations and in the close transatlantic cooperation. Also WTO and other international organisations are important for the achievement of Danish foreign policy goals.

I'll spend the next 15 minutes or so on the fundamentals of Danish foreign policy by way of focussing on three topical areas: Climate change; the efforts to ensure a safer world for us and the generations to come; and finally: the European Union as an exceedingly important vehicle for the attainment of Danish foreign policy goals.

By focussing on these three aspects - climate change; security; EU - I realize that a great number of nuances will have to be sacrificed. But please feel free to ask subsequently. I intend to speak for only 20 minutes initially in order to leave room for plenty of discussion, of questions and answers.

The climate of this planet is changing literally around us. The Danish government is in no doubt that these changes most probably are manmade. GHGs are being emitted in ever growing quantities. Our planet as a consequence becomes warmer and warmer. The IPCC - the UN Climate Panel - predicts a growth in global warming during the 21st century, most probably between 1,8 and 4 degrees C .

We all know what the consequences will be, unless we stop this development. Changes in sea levels; in water supplies; desertification; extinction of species etc etc. Which in turn in significant parts of the world will lead to human misery, massive migration, fights about water supplies etc.

Therefore, it is paramount to halt this development. Through national measures. And through international agreements. Nationally, Denmark has a reasonable record. 15% of our energy production - we are net exporters of energy - now comes from renewable energy sources. We have had a growth over the past 25 years of 70% in GDP, and a growth in energy consumption of just a bit above 0%. And the government has set ambitious goals for the future. 30% of energy production by 2025 should come from renewables. There will be more use of biofuels. And energy savings of 1,4% year by year to 2025.

But evidently, it is at the international level the climate change agenda has to be addressed. Denmark supports strongly the 20'/20/20 goals adopted by the European Council in March 2007 - 20% renewable energy; 20% CO2 reductions (in fact 30% as part of an international agreement); and 20% greater energy efficiency - all by 2020 in the EU. The EU clearly sets an example to other developed countries, not parties of the Kyoto agreement, and to developing countries as well. Without the EU as the driving force, there would be no hope that a suitable international structure can be found to handle these challenges, once the Koyto-agreement expires by 2012.

Denmark will continue to play an active role in the international climate negotiations. We will host the COP 15 in Denmark in follow-up to COP 13 in Bali in December 2007 and COP 14 in Poznan this year. The goal is to achieve in Copenhagen in December 2009 an agreement to curb to sustainable levels the emission of green house gasses. The Danish government is committing many resources not only to ensure the practical organisation of the conference, but in particular to contribute to the planning and conduct of the negotiations over the next two years and at the conference itself. It will be a real challenge to get all the major countries aboard such an agreement. But by sticking together and talking with one voice, the EU can influence countries like the US, India and China.

The climate change agenda of course has ramifications for the security policy of any country. But Danish security policy has many other components.

In a way, the security of Denmark starts in the mountains of Afghanistan. The Taliban offered terrorists a safe haven there prior to 9/11. Denmark, together with a large number of partner countries now work together with the Afghan government to combat the Taliban and consequently to assist in bringing peace and development to Afghanistan.

Democracy is challenged in the whole region. The murder of Benazir Bhutto brought this point home as well. Denmark is in no doubt about the need to support the democratic forces in the region. By sending soldiers to do the tough work in Helmand, but also by assuming responsibility - in a comprehensive approach - for working with the Afghans on the education sector in that province, and by numerous other activities elsewhere in Afghanistan.

Denmark focuses much attention on the enormously challenging conflicts of the Middle East. They are closely interrelated. They are mutually reinforcing each other. And beneath the conflicts, there are plenty of socio-economic problems, political and economic tensions, and a democratic deficit.

During the Danish EU-presidency in 2002, the Road Map for Peace in the Middle East was introduced. Denmark has been active in numerous other ways in recent years, supporting economically the PA, engaging in dialogue with the countries and with various groupings in the region, and taking part in the international work in support of solving the conflicts. In December last, the Danish Foreign Minister participated in the Annapolis conference as well as the donor conference in Paris.

And Denmark has recently opened a number of additional embassies in the Middle Eastern/North African region precisely in order to be able directly in the region to make her contribution towards peace and development.

It is only by meeting the challenges in the region and removing sources of discontent can we make it difficult for totalitarian-minded individuals and groups to use Islam as a pretext for their criminal, undemocratic activities.

In spite of all the difficulties, there is no reason to despair. Developments in the Balkans are good examples of how an active and persistent effort from the international community can actually help overcome almost intractable conflicts. Again: Denmark has made and is making its contribution - in terms of soldiers stationed there and in terms of policy advice and money for development. Right now, Denmark has 320 military personnel stationed in Kosovo.

Now: The European Union. It is a unique achievement - by any standard of world history - that we have managed in Europe to peacefully overcome the tragic consequences of two atrocious wars, of fascist and communist totalitarianism, and of the division of Europe.

After two generations of ruthless communist suppression behind the Iron Curtain and the Berlin Wall, we could finally, in Copenhagen in December 2002, close one of the darkest chapters of European history. A new Europe was born then - when we decided to enlarge the European Union to 27 countries.

The European Union offers its members strong guaranties for sovereignty and influence. This goes also for the smaller member countries.

We have spent much time discussing the institutional set-up in the EU. Denmark is happy that these discussions have now come to an end with the signing of the Lisbon Treaty. It will offer the EU the instruments and procedures necessary to ensure that an EU with 27 members can function efficiently. We expect to have the Lisbon Treaty ratified in Denmark by the end of March.

The EU now has to focus on what really matters to the citizens of Europe - energy, climate change, environment, economic growth and employment, external trade, consumer protection, the fight against organised crime and terrorism, and common foreign policy positions on specific questions relating to Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, to climate negotiations and to world trade negotiations.

As I hinted at the outset, Danes are realising that the EU is a useful vehicle to achieve Danish policy objectives. Many Danes have also come to realise that the EU they feared in the early 1990's - the development of a federal construction with an army etc - has not and will not materialise.

Since the early 1990's, Denmark has had important opt-outs in the EU - relating to defence, to legal and home affairs, and to the euro. It is the firm belief of the government that these reservations are hurting the interests of Denmark; that they are actually impeding Denmark to exercise influence on very important parts of EU work.

The Danish Government consequently wants the opt-outs abolished. It is clearly stated in the new Government platform that the Danish population should vote on them. We want Denmark to be at the heart of Europe in order to contribute fully to the future development of the EU.

I have explained in some detail Danish positions on climate change, on security, on the EU. I hope to have given you an impression of the foreign policy of a small, but quite confident country, actively trying to do its part to make this world better and safer.

We do not suffer from any small state syndrome. We are actually proud of punching - according to Colin Powell - above our weight. But we also realise that it is only in cooperation with other nations that we can actually achieve our foreign policy goals.

In this endeavour, the UK is one of our most important partners. The UK has done fantastic work on climate change - in general and in the EU. We work closely together regarding security policy. We pursue the same goals in many concrete practical EU-policy areas.

Therefore, I have been extremely grateful for this opportunity to outline Danish foreign policy objectives for this distinguished forum.

Thank you for your attention.

Born in Newcastle upon Tyne in 1945 Timothy was educated privately at the Royal Grammar School in the City and subsequently at the Law Society's College of Law at Guildford Surrey.

Timothy had started taking an interest in Politics from an early age and joined the Young Conservatives (now called Conservative Future) in Jesmond in the North Newcastle Constituency at the age of 15. Over the next 7 years in the YC's he became a Branch Chairman, a Constituency Chairman, an Area Officer and was a member of the National YC committee. He met his wife Caroline in the YC's and they married in 1969.

Whilst normal YC activities were interesting Timothy was always keen to represent others and in 1970 he stood for an unwinnable Northumberland County Council seat at Throckley on the outskirts of Newcastle. By then he was a resident in Wylam, a Tyne Valley village just west of Newcastle, where he became involved with community life, re-establishing the amateur Dramatic society and producing modern comedy plays.

In February 1974 Timothy fought his first Parliamentary campaign for Durham and Sedgefield in the 'Miner's Election' where he fought a robust campaign. Here he obtained the highest pro-Conservative swing in the Country at that election. In 1975, he was selected by the Darlington Conservatives as their Parliamentary candidate in a marginal seat which had changed from Labour to Conservative and back again on many occasions.

He narrowly missed success in the 1979 Election, losing by a mere 1000 votes to the then sitting Member Ted Fletcher.

During this time he continued his other Political interests and was a Member of the Hexham Association Executive Committee and subsequently became the Treasurer of that Association where Geoffrey (later Lord) Rippon was the MP.

In 1982 Timothy was elected to the Northumberland County Council for his home Ward of Bywell and in 1983 became a Founder Lawyer Member on appointment to the new Mental Health Act Commission, a post he held until 1986. Also the same year he was appointed as a Member of the Northern Region Health Authority and was invited to join the Board of Newcastle International Airport, a post he held for 3 years. It was whilst he was serving on the Airport Board that Timothy qualified as a Pilot and he has been enthusiastic about Flying ever since.

His support for the development of Leeds-Bradford International Airport is well known especially his significant role in obtaining 24 hours operating status for this vital and strategic part of the Yorkshire RegionÌs infrastructure.

In 1986 Timothy was selected as the prospective Parliamentary candidate for Leeds North East. In 1987 he was elected MP for this seat taking over from Sir Kieth Joseph.

In 1989 Timothy became a Parliamentary Private Secretary to David Trippier MP the Environment Minister. In 1990 he joined the Government Whips Office whilst Margaret Thatcher was Prime Minister. Later, under John Major he was promoted in the Whips Office being the Scottish Whip for 4 years and responsible for the Environment, Heritage, Agriculture, and Defence Departments in turn. In 1992 he became a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury and Senior Whip. In 1995 he was Vice-Chamberlain of the Royal Household, providing her Majesty the Queen with an important link with the House of Commons and writing a detailed resume of activity in the House for her each day.

In the Autumn of 1995 he moved to the Home Office as Under-Secretary of State responsible for Immigration, Race and Community Relations, Licensing and Gambling, and International Police issues.

Whilst in Parliament Timothy became the Deputy Chairman of the Governing Bodies Association for Independent Schools a post he held between 1990 and 1998 and he continued as a Governor of his old school, the Royal Grammar School Newcastle, a position which he had assumed some years before. Since he attended the Royal Grammar School in 1953, Timothy had been continually connected with the School having been a Pupil, Parent, President and a member of the Old Boys Association and a Governor.

In 1997, Timothy left Parliament and immediately re-established his legal practice and also his business consultancy. His interest in politics, however, had not abated and soon after losing his seat he embarked on a programme of speaking engagements all over the country especially in Yorkshire and the North East at a time when the morale of Conservative Party workersÌ was low. Thus he was able to keep in touch with the views of the party members and offer them the benefit of his experience and encouragement.

In 1998 the opportunity arose to be considered as a European Parliamentary Candidate for the new Region of Yorkshire and The Humber under a new Proportional Representation Voting system introduced by the Labour Government. Timothy decided to allow his name to go forward and he was delighted when the Party Membership on a Îone Member- one VoteÌ basis selected him as the No: 2 for the Conservative list for the June 1999 Elections.

After his victory he was appointed both Chief Whip of the Conservative Delegation in the Parliament and the spokesman for the Conservatives on the Justice and Home Affairs Committee.In December 2001, he was promoted from his position of Chief Whip to represent the Conservative party on the 'Future of Europe' Convention. Whilst on the Convention, Timothy was instrumental in establishing the parallel 'Youth Convention', he produced an alternative 'Simplifying Treaty', and he tabled more amendments to the draft Constitution than any other member of the Convention. He has taken this experience to his current role as Vice-Chairman of the Constitutional Affairds Committee and he is also Conservative Spokesman on the Transport and Tourism Committee in the European Parliament.

In 2003, Timothy was asked by the Rt Hon Oliver Letwin MP to convene an independent Commission on asylum. After six months of deliberations, the Kirkhope Commission published a report entitled 'Building a Fair Asylum System' which won widespread praise. An editorial in The Sun said: "If the Tories are convinced that the Kirkhope policies will work, they should not hesitate to adopt them." The Immigration Advisory Service said: "The Commission has made a significant and helpful contribution to the debate in these matters." Then in 2004, Timothy was asked by the new Shadow Home Secretary, the Rt Hon David Davis MP to chair a further commission, looking at immigration policy. It is due to report later this summer.

Timothy has been re-elected as No: 1 in Yorkshire in the June 2004 European Elections and is now Team Leader for the Conservative MEPs in Yorkshire and the Humber. He was then elected as the first European Democrat Vice-President of the EPP-ED political group in the Parliament in the subsequent internal elections, and, since December 2004 he has been the Leader of the Conservative Party in the European Parliament.

When not working on the Political front he relaxes with his wife and family in Yorkshire either by driving his Porsche Sports Car (he was a founder Member of the House of Commons Classic Car Club) or using his Piloting skills in flying light aircraft. He Swims regularly, plays tennis when the weather is fine, and tries to play Golf when he can find the time at his Club in Northumberland.

Timothy is a Member of the Institute of Directors, the Northern Counties Club in Newcastle, and the Dunstanburgh Castle Golf Club.

He was appointed as a Non-Executive Director of the Bournemouth and West Hampshire Water Company in April 1999.

Timothy travels hundreds of miles each week in the service of his constituents and is always ready and willing to help with any problems which they may have.

Chairman: Sir Ronald Halstead CBE
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Address

Speech by Dalrain Davaasambuu, Mongolian Ambassador
House of Commons, Conservative Foreign and Commonwealth Council, London

November 5, 2007

Dear MPs
Ladies and Gentlemen:

It is my distinct honour and pleasure to address this esteemed audience and talk on about Mongolia’s foreign policy. First of all I am delighted to thank every body who came here today for their interest in Mongolia and would be happy to know your ideas and comments.

Foreign policy, international relations are very much an essential and integral part of small Mongolia and its people’s life. We are proud with the history of my country, last year we celebrated 800 years of Mongolian statehood, which goes back to the unification of the Mongolian tribes by Chinggis Khan. I would like to stress only two important International relations aspects of the Chinggis Khan‘s political heritage. One is Mongolian people’s identity as a nation. The Great Khan, together with the Buddhism in the Tibetan-Mongolian tradition and his achievements has been at the center of Mongolian national identity, especially in times when Mongolian has some challenges.

The second political heritage is diplomatic immunity, When Chinggis Khan sent his missionaries to the other countries he handed to them the 'golden gerge' (golden plate), with the following inscription: 'Credentials given by the Great Chinggis Khan. Bearer of these Credentials is entitled to an unhindered passage in the realms of the Great Khan, to whatever protection and support he may need along his way'.

Some international scholars say that the word 'ambassador' has originated from the Mongolian word 'amban said' which has the meaning close to 'governor'.

The 'Pax Mongolica' or 'Mongolian Peace' brought the first in –depth contacts between Europe and the Far East immortalized by monks like Wilhelm Rubruk and traders such as the Polo brothers.

All this is just to say that Diplomacy has a long tradition in Mongolia.
Now, let me give you a brief outline of Mongolian foreign policy today.
Features of Mongolian foreign policy:

The main goal of the Foreign Policy is to ensure the independence, security and prosperity of the country.

1. Features of foreign policy
1.1. Mongolian government is trying to pursue active, multi-pillared, open and consistent foreign policy. It is ensured by the principals and objectives laid down by the Concepts of the National Security and Foreign Policy adopted by our Parliament, the ‘ State Great Khural’ in 1994. These two documents as well as the Defence doctrine have been serving as a stable and long basis of our foreign policy for more than ten years.
1.2.
1.3. There is a rule of practicality. Mongolia as a landlocked country situated in between two big giants: the Russian Federation and The People’s Republic of China, must to hold friendly, good, neighbourly relations with these two countries. It is also vital to have more friends from all over the world including some big powers. We will not forget the help of donor countries headed by the US, but also the EU and Japan. They have extended political and economic support when the Mongolian people were in trouble after break down of the Soviet Union.
1.4.
1.5. Mongolia as a former socialist, developing, small, landlocked, Asian and mineral resource rich country should take all the values and innovations characterised in each group of countries related to the above mentioned dimensions and add own voices in consolidation of the common interest and objectives. For instance, we are trying to maintain our traditional and historical relations with Poland, Hungary and other former socialist countries, most of them are part of EU. I mean that we are seeking and hoping for the additional support from those countries in relations with the EU.
1.6.
1.4 Morality is also important for us. Most Mongolians connect past achievements in both political and economic terms with Russia. Despite repression of Buddhist monks and religion as well dictatorship forced by the Soviet Empire in Mongolian society, significant progress had been made in formation of modern Mongolia, particularly in education, health and other social sectors. Soviet times have also brought a discovery of Europe, because many Mongolians went to Moscow, Prague, Budapest or Berlin to study or work.

I should point out that a majority of the Mongolian people is accepting our government’s decision to send troops to peacekeeping operations in Sierra Leone, Kosovo, Afghanistan and to the coalition in Iraq. This is seen as a moral obligation of our country.

1.5 We are closely watching global and regional issues like terrorism, security, environmental degradation, natural disasters, epidemic, poverty and corruption. Out of those issues, environmental degradation, poverty and corruption are those topics where Mongolia especially needs an urgent solution, as well International support and consultation.
1.6 Mongolia attaches a great importance to the International Institutions like, UN, other International economic and financial organizations as well as NGOs. Mongolia wants as widely as possible recognized and legally protected in International treaties and wants to play an active role in the regional and world wide arena.
1.7 We are constantly working for enhancing an accurate and sound understanding by the outside world about this small country. In this regard we would like to have a broad access to the International media and more freedom of the press and speech as well as active awareness work.

2. Relations with major powers

2.1. Two neighbours: As I mentioned, we have friendly relations with our two neighbours. Since 1921 when the People’s revolution was won in Mongolia with help of Russia until 1990 Mongolia and Russia became close friends and Mongolian Chinese relations were characterised by the nature of relations between China and Russia. When our two neighbours had good relations we benefited from good relations with them.

After the fall of Berlin Wall, when International situation had been changed, Mongolia wants to be neutral and to have balanced relations and paid more attention to reconfirm principals of co-existence with Russia and China. The principals of co-existence as you know are 1) mutual respect for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity; 2) mutual non-aggression; 3) mutual non- interference in each other’s internal affairs; 4) equality and mutual respect; and 5) peaceful co-existence.

Mongolia concluded the treaties of friendly relations and cooperation with the Russian Federation in 1993, with the PRC in 1994 which are considered the cornerstones of our new bilateral relationship. These treaties confirm Mongolia's independency and territorial integrity- in other words two our neighbour reconfirmed principals of co-existence with Mongolia by signing the treaties. We don’t have border disputes with two neighbours and our border lines with them fully delineated and demarcated.

We are satisfied with frequent visits to Mongolia by leaders of our neighbours, and visits of our leaders to their countries. Russia remains an important supplier of energy, an essential part of our infrastructure net and industry. China is becoming a more important trade partner and investor and also a generator of wealth.

During his visit in July 2005 Chairman of PRC, Mr Hu Jin Tao, said that “to have a mutual trusted partner’s relations with Mongolia has been a strategic choice of China… Our two countries being peacefully, eternally co-existed neighbours, mutually trusted friends, co-developed good partners.”

2.2 Mongolia pursues a multi-faceted policy; some people call it a third neighbour policy.
Mongolian democracy and its open, liberal approach towards both domestic and
International affairs are respected by most big powers like the United States, the EU,
Japan other developed and developing countries. We are encouraged by their support and are grateful to them. I would like to mention the G7 summit in London 1991, which welcomed Mongolian democracy and market economy and expressed support of Mongolia's efforts. Since that time our political and economic support is expanding and intensifying with the US, EU (including, of course, the UK) and nations such as Japan, Canada, Australia, ROK and India.

As to our relations with the USA, since 1991 as strong indication of its support of Mongolia’s democracy, free elections and transition to market economy USA took several vital for Mongolia of that time decisions. America, through the World Bank and IMF, initiated the establishment of a group of donor countries and international organizations. It mainly resulted from the Secretary of State of the USA James Baker’s two visits to Mongolia in 1990 and 1991 and contributed to overcoming difficulties faced by Mongolia at that time. The USA included Mongolia in the Preferential Trade System, a quota free regime which created many jobs for Mongolians. In the first visit by a sitting US president to Mongolia in October 2005 George W. Bush elevated Mongolia’s international reputation.

I am delighted to underline that during our president’s recent visit to USA, Mongolia became the first Asian country to qualify for the President Bush’s signature Millennium Challenge foreign-aid program. This pledge of aid has a volume of $285 million. Of this, $188 million will fund a railway project and the rest will be scattered among projects to enhance or overall financial education and health systems.

2.2 As to aid assistance, Japan is a main donor for us both in development and technical assistance. Japan provided around 1.5 billion USD of assistance, most of which is aid.

Mongolia established diplomatic relations with Japan in 1972, bilateral relations gradually progressed until 1990 and since early 1990s they have substantially increased. In 1991 the Japanese government declared Mongolia’s democracy-building support policy through bilateral and multilateral channels and launched all round comprehensive aid. Two countries are wishing to develop a broad range partnership and cooperation in all sectors. We are looking for more investment, new technology and favourable trading conditions.

2.3 The EU countries bilaterally and multilaterally support Mongolia.
The most recent good example is that the European Commission in 2005 included Mongolia in the list of additional 15 vulnerable developing countries to whom was given duty and quota-free access to the EU countries under the GSP+ incentive. Out of the EU countries, Germany, is the biggest donor for Mongolia and has active and comprehensive relations with Mongolia.

2.4 I also must praise the UK. In the press release issued by the FCO during our president’s official visit to the UK in April 2007, Mongolia was considered a strategic partner.

I am delighted to also mention London based Rio Tinto, together with Canadian company Ivanhoe Mines Ltd. have agreed in principle to an investment agreement with the Mongolian government to develop the Oyu Tolgoi copper and gold deposits. The investment would be worth an initial US $ 1.5 billion. This will ensure that a large part of Mongolia’s resources will be exploited in a sustainable and environmentally friendly way with the latest techniques available worldwide.

As stated in the Joint Statement on the occasion of the visit, the UK was the first Western country to establish diplomatic relations with Mongolia, in 1963. Since that time, our countries’ relations have progressed and deepened, and are now based on shared values of democracy, free trade and the maintenance of the rights of the individual.

We are also encouraged by the recent extension of the Generalised System of Tariff Preferences (GSP+) by the EU to Mongolia, mainly through the support of the UK and her great citizen and Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson who first agreed to grant the system to Mongolia.

We hope all these actions will promote trade and investment between Mongolia and UK. The UK decided to wave its share of Mongolia’s debt to the World Bank. I don’t like to talk about positive developments only, but there is one more thing I should mention. People to people’s links are increasing and the international interdependence of interests of both the business community and individuals are on the rise.

3. Strengthening institutions: Mongolia and international cooperation
Mongolia is working hard to achieve an important role in the international arena.
Many resolutions and decisions were initiated and declared at the United Nations.
Mongolia declared its policy against having foreign troops deployed within
its borders and also, importantly, its status as a nuclear weapon free and weapons of mass destruction (WMD) free state.

Mongolia is a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the Convention on Destruction of Chemical and Bacteriological Weapons, the Comprehensive Nuclear Weapons Test Ban Treaty and a firm supporter of the Non-Proliferation Regime.
Last year Mongolia hosted the OSCE-Mongolian Conference. Three years ago in the capacity of Chair there was held the Fifth International Conference of New or Restored Democracies in Ulaanbaatar.

Mongolia is bidding for membership in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cummunity (APEC), ASEAN and UN Security Council. Last year Mongolia became a member of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM).

Mongolia is an Observer of Shanghai Organization of Cooperation.
Mongolia would like to be involved in and to bring our own contribution to a better
solution of the Korean Peninsula security issue since we enjoy active and good
relations with both ROK and the DPRK. The DPRK is the second country in the
world which recognized Mongolia and established diplomatic relations with us.
Most important is the fact that we don't have hostilities. Some scholars say that
Mongolia could become the political and economic model for North Korea.

Mongolia firmly stands for a nuclear weapon free Korean peninsula and appreciates the results of the Six Party Talks and would be ready to take any initiatives.

4. Attracting investment through predictable policy and vision
The Mongolian Government is pursuing a liberal and open foreign trade policy and considers foreign direct investment to be an essential instrument for the development of the country’s economy.

Mongolia’s Membership of the WTO highlights its relative success in pursuing economic reforms and developing a new trade regime in line with international trading principles.

The international boom in demand for commodities is encouraging interest of investors. At the same time, the overall business environment in Mongolia for the last 15 years, especially last year, had been improved. The tax burden had been reduced. Both corporate and individual taxes reduced. Due corrections have been made in investment and mining laws and regulations under pressure from the public domain. Good lessons have been learnt about tackling corruption and balancing public and business demand.

Copper, gold, coal, uranium, steel and cashmere wool related projects will make difference in the economy and badly needed infrastructure.

Mongolia can be a good transit destination and contributor to the regional networks.
My country is rich in energy, coal and other resources. For example, if Russian and Chinese energy or transport networks are interconnected through Mongolia, there would be several benefits, namely: It gives access to untouched Mongolian mineral resources and meets growing demand in China and international markets at large; Mongolia will feed the networks with its own products.

Global investors could contribute towards the networks and share benefits.
We need to find out how we can integrate regional networks like energy, transport and others with our own contribution as well as mutual international input to benefit all.

In the conclusion I would like to say that now Mongolia pays more attention to trade and economic relations and its foreign policy will be focused on creation of a favourite trade and investment climate internationally and to get duty free access for Mongolia products and more tourists from all over the world. Mongolia’s landlessness can be justified by doing so.

Thank you very much for your attention

"It's easy to ridicule it and dismiss it. The Commonwealth doesn't have any strong structures. The thing it does have is values," said Lord Howe, 80.

By David Blair, Diplomatic Correspondent and Nick Squires

When the Commonwealth conference opens in Uganda today, the Queen, Gordon Brown, the Prince of Wales and about 50 other leaders from Britain's former empire will be present.

This unique gathering is damned by some as an outdated relic of the age of colonialism.

But Lord Howe, who as Sir Geoffrey Howe, served as Margaret Thatcher's Foreign Secretary between 1983 and 1989, said that the Commonwealth was an "important asset" for Britain and every other member state.

"It's easy to ridicule it and dismiss it. The Commonwealth doesn't have any strong structures. The thing it does have is values," said Lord Howe, 80.

The Queen's "combination of modesty and intelligence" was central to holding the club of former British colonies together, he added.
But the Commonwealth is quietly preparing for the Queen's passing by preparing Prince Charles to assume a more prominent role.

For the first time, he will be present at the Commonwealth conference in Kampala, although formally he is paying a separate visit to Uganda at the invitation of President Yoweri Museveni.

Lord Howe said that Prince Charles probably would be able to unite the Commonwealth as successfully as his mother.

"I think that the Prince of Wales has the same kind of affection for it. I happen to know that's true. And the two princes, the younger ones, when they've been out there to Commonwealth countries, they've appreciated it."

With 53 member states and a total population of 1.7 billion, the Commonwealth spans the global divide between rich and poor.

In theory, the organisation is united by the English language, a shared history of British rule and a devotion to democratic values.
In practice, Commonwealth leaders have routinely rigged elections and jailed opponents. Among those attending the summit will be President Umaru Yar'Adua of Nigeria, who won an election in April riddled with corruption and every form of malpractice.

President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe remained in the Commonwealth's fold even after he rigged his way to victory in parliamentary polls in 2000, during which 37 people were murdered. Zimbabwe's membership was not suspended until two years later.

Mr Museveni has been accorded the honour of hosting this week's gathering despite having won a flawed election last year, heavily criticised by European Union observers.

For some former Commonwealth leaders, the organisation is of little use because it can boast so few tangible achievements. Paul Keating attended Commonwealth summits in Cyprus and New Zealand while serving as Australia's prime minister between 1993 and 1996.

"Other than for good causes, like branding Mugabe the shocking old crook that he is, it's of little relevance," said Mr Keating.
Forums such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation Forum (Apec) were of growing importance, said Mr Keating, because they allowed Australian leaders to meet their near neighbours, rather than Commonwealth leaders from the far side of the world.

But despite his critique, Mr Keating does not reject the Commonwealth's founding values. He said the "kinship" between Australia and Britain remained extremely strong.

Daily Telegraph Editorial

Commonwealth legacy

The Commonwealth, like the Lords, is an anachronism: if it did not exist, no one would think to invent it. Yet its potential is vast. As one politician put it in 1995: "The Commonwealth contains one quarter of the world's population. It includes five of the world's 10 fastest growing economies… It is the only organisation, outside the UN itself, to transcend regional organisations and bring together North and South.

The issues that dominate post-Cold War relations are at its heart; refugees, drug trafficking, international crime, terrorism, Aids, debt and trade… We cannot let a priceless legacy like this fade into nostalgia."

Those fine words were written by Tony Blair before taking power – though once in office he did little to advance the cause of the Commonwealth. This neglect was hardly exceptional: Robin Cook regularly failed to attend the London meetings of the group dealing with members who had forsaken democracy, when his fellow foreign ministers had flown thousands of miles to be there.

In fact, British officials have consistently failed to give the Commonwealth the attention, and resources, it deserves.

Yes, they are in a tricky situation – give too forceful a lead, and they are accused of colonialism; back off, and they are accused of neglect.

But in a world in which distance is becoming increasingly irrelevant, the Commonwealth's connections between states far and wide, large and small, provide a tremendous opportunity for Britain to forge better relationships with other countries, and to bolster their economic and democratic institutions.

It also gives Gordon Brown a platform from which to pursue his interest in African development.

One of those who does understand the importance of the Commonwealth, and the "priceless legacy" it offers, is the Queen, who has spent much of her life travelling to and engaging with its members.
As we revealed earlier this month, it is being suggested that Prince Charles should now take on a similar role at the head of the organisation. He will have a tough job on his hands – and one that will require all of his mother's fabled diplomatic skill.

Melissa Crawshay-Williams explains what the Conservative Foreign & Commonwealth Council does and believes in.

The purpose of the Conservative Foreign & Commonwealth Council is to promote greater understanding among different countries and cultures in a safe, just and prosperous world.

The highlight of the year is no doubt the Annual Summer Diplomatic Party hosted by our Chairman, Sir Ronald Halstead at his home, when a high proportion of the diplomatic corps turn out; even when the weather is appalling as it was at the last one in July.

Our members are very friendly and knowledgeable and they regard it a pleasure to attend a meeting. There is a recognition of the importance of foreign relations and foreign affairs and - this is by no means a requirement of membership - many have lived abroad or have strong foreign connections;. Full members must be members of a Conservative Association if not they are associate members. Our charge for speaker meetings covers meeting costs. The annual membership of only £10 per year includes free entry to the Diplomatic Reception that is outstandingly good value.

We are closely aligned to Foreign Office aims and priorities including:

Making the world safer from global terrorism and weapons of mass destruction
Reducing the harm to the UK from international crime, including drug trafficking, people smuggling and money laundering
Preventing and resolving conflict through a strong international system
Building an effective and globally competitive EU in a secure neighbourhood
Supporting the UK economy and business through an open and expanding global economy, science and innovation and secure energy supplies
Achieving climate security by promoting a faster transition to a sustainable, low carbon global economy.
Promoting sustainable development and poverty reduction underpinned by human rights, democracy, good governance and protection of the environment
Managing migration and trying to combat illegal immigration
Delivering high-quality support for British nationals abroad, in normal times and in crises
Ensuring the security and good governance of the UK's Overseas Territories
The UK does not shy away from trying to resolve international crises and its foreign policy is less ‘inward-looking’ than it has been so far. The UK should press the EU in this direction, to put a higher priority on its foreign relations the UK must continue to intervene in international crises.

UK foreign policy must recognise the growing interdependency of countries across the world and the ‘reality’ of this world is that the UK cannot ‘opt out’.

Looking to the future – our Chairman is bold about inviting Ambassadors from a range of countries to come and address us. Overall – we are open to suggestions from our members - we look to invite anyone willing to share something meaningful about their country and customs with us for an evening of stimulating discussion.

Join us and find out more, we look forward to hearing from you.

SPEECH BY HE Ashraf Uddin, Acting High Commissioner of Bangladesh to the UK at the Conservative Commonwealth and Foreign Affairs Council

Jubilee Room, House of Commons

18 June 2007, London

Honourable Chairman, Sir Ron Halstead
Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen.

I am truly honoured to be able to speak to the Conservative Foreign and Commonwealth Council here at the British Parliament. I am particularly delighted that I have the opportunity to apprise distinguished British legislatures about how Bangladesh as a country, and more significantly the current Caretaker Government of Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed is advancing its foreign policy priorities and interests. May I take this opportunity to express my special thanks to Ms. Anne Main MP, for inviting me to speak to this distinguished group of conservatives and once again demonstrating her friendship for the people of Bangladesh.

Bangladesh Foreign Policy: Art 25(1) of Fundamental Principals of State Policy

The foundation of Bangladesh foreign relations lie in its foreign policy enunciated in article 25(1) of the fundamental principles of state policy of its Constitution. One of the prime influencing factors in the formulation of Bangladesh’s foreign policy has been its geo-strategic location as a bridge between the South Asia and South-east Asian regions. Bangladesh’s foreign policy is also influenced by its ancient history and ethos of being host to various faiths and cultures including one of the oldest Buddhist dynasties that flourished for 100s of centuries, followed by Hindu monarchies, Muslim Sultanates and the Mughal empire, won over by the British colonial rulers in the 18th century. Born 36 years ago in 1971 from the ashes of a 9 month long glorious War of Liberation to establish our democratic and economic rights, Bangladesh’s foreign policy is also influenced by values such as democracy, human rights, non-violence, opposition to imperialism, colonialism and racism.

Bangladesh’s Foreign Relations with its immediate neighbours

Bangladesh sincerely believes that in South Asia, together we are strong and a power to reckon with in the global arena. Conversely, if we are separate and disunited, we are weak. It has thus been the firm intention of the current Caretaker Government to accord high priority to cultivating a close relationship with all our neighbors, the most immediate being India.

Bangladesh’s relations with its largest neighbor India has always been a steadfast and engaging one. Bangladesh and India share 4500 kms of common borders, cultural affinities, common historical experience, common values and a vibrant people-to–people exchange. Bilateral trade stands at more than US dollar 2 billion. Nearly 0.6 million Bangladeshis visit India each year for purposes ranging from tourism, health, education religious and business. The Foreign Secretaries of the two countries meet regularly and are scheduled to meet this month in Dhaka. The major outstanding issues include sharing of 54 rivers, an undemarcated border, trade gap, connectivity and security issues.
Since taking office Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed’s government has taken a series of positive measures to further improve Indo-Bangladesh relations both in terms of security, connectivity and economic matters. Both New Delhi and Dhaka are working towards passenger train services between Dhaka and Calcutta from July and have renewed the Protocol on Inland Water Transit and Trade. During the visit of Indian Foreign Minister to Dhaka preceding the 14th SAARC Summit Bangladesh foreign Adviser reaffirmed , “Let me say unequivocally that this caretaker government wishes to place Bangladesh's relations with India on a firm footing so that future governments of both countries can build on the progress we make”. These sentiments were reciprocated by Indian Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee who stated “India attaches the highest importance to its relations with Bangladesh” . This tremendous goodwill was further reaffirmed by Dr Fakhruddin Ahemd and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at the 14th SAARC Summit in New Delhi where Bangladesh Chief Adviser vowed not to allow use of Bangladesh territory for acts of terrorism against India. Bangladesh also attaches high importance to its relations with Pakistan and is committed to further enhance trade, economic and cultural cooperation between the two brotherly countries. Relations with our other neighbors including Sri Lanka and Myanmar are also characterized by friendship and mutual understanding and are growing under economic and cultural cooperation frameworks.
Bangladesh’s proactive policy of promoting Regional Cooperation
Bangladesh’s foreign relations with neighboring countries in South and South East Asia have found a heightened level of mutually beneficial cooperation through regional cooperation forums such as SAARC, BIMSTEC and ACD. Bangladesh has always valued regional cooperation as a means to ensure peace and stability in the region and harness its true economic potential for trade and development. It was in this spirit back in1980 that Bangladesh proposed to form SAARC, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation. Even though SAARC suffered from political inertia for nearly two decades, the 13th SAARC Summit in Dhaka in November 2005 under Bangladesh’s chairmanship made a true turnaround in the pace and intensity of cooperation under SAARC. Bangladesh played a facilitating role in opening up SAARC to new membership such as Afghanistan, and new observers such as China and Japan. Cooperation was also mobilized in the area of counter-terrorism and the South Asian Free Trade Agreement SAFTA was set well on course with inclusion of services sector. All these progress under Bangladesh chairmanship found further resonance during the 14th summit in New Delhi with addition of EU, USA, Iran and ROK as SAARC observers.
Bangladesh is also playing a key role at another regional cooperation forum, the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Economic Cooperation, BIMSTEC, comprising 5 Bay of Bengal SAARC countries plus Myanmar and Thailand. We consider BIMSTEC a dynamic bridge between South and South East Asia where Bangladesh is playing a pro-active role in progressing the BIMSTEC Free Trade Agreement and in other areas including tourism, agriculture, energy and communications. In both regional groupings as a founder member Bangladesh continues to endeavor to realize a larger vision of regionalism with increased people-to people connectivity. The Caretaker government would continue to promote these values at the 2nd BIMSTEC Summit in India in early 2008. Bangladesh’s proactive role in regional cooperation has also earned her membership in the Asia Cooperation Dialogue, a regional grouping of 30 Asia pacific countries. At the 6th ACD Foreign Ministerial meeting held in Seoul early this month Bangladesh has proposed to set up an Asian Institute of Poverty Alleviation in Dhaka to replicate Bangladesh models of poverty alleviation through micro-credit.
Bangladesh-UK bilateral relations

Bangladesh’s bonds with the UK date back much beyond Bangladesh’s independence in 1971. These have been strong, warm and enduring, enriched by traditional and historical Commonwealth ties, shared values of democracy and human rights and common interest. Britain was among the first European nations to accord diplomatic recognition to Bangladesh quite early following Bangladesh’s birth as a nation in 1971. Since then friendship and multi-faceted cooperation between the two Commonwealth countries have continued to grow strength to strength in all fields including political, economic, trade and investment, development cooperation and education, defence, security and counter-terrorism.

Today Britain is the single largest foreign investor in Bangladesh and the third largest destination for Bangladesh exports. UK’s investment last year accounted for 25% (USD 850 m) of our total FDI) while exports to UK accounted last year for 10 % of our total exports(USD 1048 m). Britain is also Bangladesh’s third largest bilateral development partner. The significant presence and contribution by a vibrant British-Bangladeshi community in the UK, nearly half a million, has also been a dominating binding factor between the two Commonwealth nations. Regular high level visits have been a hall mark in the relations including those by Prime Ministers Tony Blair and John Major. The two countries have also been closely cooperating in different international forums including at the UN and the Commonwealth. Last April Bangladesh lent its support to UK’s initiative to hold a debate at the UN Security council on Climate Change and its security aspects. Such cooperation between Bangladesh and UK is also common at various fora on peace and security issues, peace-keeping, counter-terrorism, gender justice or women empowerment. UK’s support to the Caret Taker Government of Dr. Fakhruddun Ahmed, its political, electoral and institutional reforms and anti-corruption drive, is deeply appreciated and accounted for. We look forward to Britain’s participation in the EU observer team for Bangladesh elections as well as its independent participation.

Bangladesh foreign relations with the EU

I will now touch briefly on Bangladesh-EU. Bangladesh is particularly appreciative of the fact that her relations with the European Union are characterized by shared global values such as democracy, human rights, good governance, socio-economic development and trade incentives for poverty alleviation. The European Union is the largest trading and development partner for Bangladesh, thanks to the European Parliament’s "Everything but Arms (EBA)" scheme providing duty-free market access to all goods from LDCs. Bangladesh's export to the EU markets accounted for over 52% of our global exports last year and this ofcourse includes the UK’s share as well. We are also deeply appreciative of EU’s development support over the past decades in the attainment of our Millennium Development Goals and hope that such cooperation will further expand in coming years. The care taker government is highly appreciative of the support expressed by the EU to its reforms programme leading to a fee and fair election in BD by December 2008. German Ambassador Michaels, leader of a 10 member EU Troika delegation which visited Dhaka early this month to asses ground situation towards holding of a free air election in Bangladesh reaffirmed “We are fully convinced from our numerous meetings with the government, politicians, and the army that a set of 'practical' political and electoral reforms are working towards the elections in Bangladesh”. Bangladesh looks forward to receiving an EU observer mission.

Relations with other Western countries

Apart form the Western European group Bangladesh also maintains important economic and strategic relations with other western countries, and in particular US, Australia and Canada. The United States has long-standing supportive relations with Bangladesh and views Bangladesh as a moderate voice in the Islamic world. Bangladesh has also become a valuable United States ally in the Global War on Terrorism. The two countries have worked closely in US led coalition forces in the Gulf War, in Haiti and Liberia and have substantive defence and security cooperation. US is the single largest destination for Bangladesh exports accounting for a third our global exports of US$ 10.52 billion, without however any duty free access. We urge upon the UK to persuade the US to pass a draft bill titled “TRADE Act of 2007” now with the US Senate proposing duty free access to Asian LDCs such as Bangladesh. Such treatment has already been accorded to Sub-Saharan African LDCs and the Caribbean Basin Countries. With Canada and Australia, Bangladesh has excellent cooperation particularly including substantive trade ad economic relations. The Foreign Adviser of the Care Taker Government of Dr. Iftekhar Chowdhury has just concluded an official tour to Australia during which the Australian government’s raised its development assistance to Bangladesh by a third.

Bangladesh’s Foreign Policy in multilateral organisations: UN, CW, NAM and OIC

An uncompromising commitment to the principles and purposes of the United Nations is a principal tenet of the foreign policy of the Caretaker Government of Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed. For a resource poor country like Bangladesh, UN provides a window of opportunity for expressing concerns and upholding national interests, and compliments our national efforts to uphold peace, democracy, the millennium development goals, empowerment of women or climate change. We believe in a strong and effective United Nations.

Bangladesh’s spontaneous and active participation in UN Peace Keeping Operations stems from its constitutional commitment to uphold peace, justice, freedom and democracy. Bangladesh’s valiant armed forces as well as civilian police personnel have shed blood in distant lands and helped bring back peace, democracy and development particularly in Africa through their hard work and sacrifice in UNPKOs. Over the last decade Bangladesh has so far contributed, 60,000 personnel in 31 UN peace operations and is currently the second largest troops contributor serving in 11 UN peace missions. 76 of our peacekeepers have fallen in the cause of global peace. The Care Taker Government has decided to offer around 2,000 troops to Sudan's troubled Darfur region as part of a joint United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) "hybrid force" that was accepted by the Sudanese government last week.

As a developing country committed to global peace Bangladesh has also been playing a leading role in the fight against global terrorism. Bangladesh has condemned all acts of terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, as we believe that it poses a threat to international peace and security and is a violation of human rights. Bangladesh has acceded to all13 global counter terrorism conventions. As a manifestation of its commitment to counter terrorism the caretaker government of Dr Ahmed took the initiative to ensure that Bangladesh is the 22nd State to accede to the International Convention on Acts of Nuclear Terrorism’’ that helped the treaty entire into force on 07 June 2007. In the area a general and complete disarmament, Bangladesh’s record has been impeccable, particularly in South Asia, as she is a party to all 7 major multilateral disarmament treaties including the NPT, the CWC, the CTBT and the APMT. In fact Bangladesh is the only country in South Asia to have ratified the Antipersonnel Mine Treaty.

Bangladesh is deeply committed to promote all human rights–civil, political, economic, social and cultural, including the right to development. A state party to 13 major international human rights instruments, Bangladesh takes special pride in her accession to all protocols relating to women and children rights. Firm in its conviction to promote human rights and ensure justice to victims, Dr Fakhruddin Ahmed’s government has already initiated all necessary action to establish an independent National Human Rights Commission and has on 9 May 2007 signed the latest UN human rights Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, Bangladesh is also the only country from South Asia to have signed the statute of the International Criminal Court.

Bangladesh’s proactive role as a moderate and progressive developing country has received wide recognition at the UN through her successful election in almost all policy making bodies in the UN. Under the present caretaker government, BD is making policy level contribution as a member of the UN Human Rights Council, Committee on the Rights of the Child, Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women,(CEDAW),UN Peace Building Commission, Executive Council of UNDP/UNFPA, UNESCO, UNHABITAT, Commission on Social development and the IMO.

In the area of trade and development for the last 32 years Bangladesh has been playing a pro-active, moderating and constructive role in all policy making bodies of the UN advancing issues having direct impact on Least Developed and developing countries as the coordinator of 50 LDCs for two decades at the UN, Commonwealth and WTO negotiations. Bangladesh enjoys the confidence of the UN membership for these constructive roles which was evidenced in the unanimous adoption of two important flagship resolutions proposed by Bangladesh at the 2006 UNGA. The first on ‘A Culture of Peace and Non-violence’” and the other on the “World Diabetes Day”. Each had more than 114 co-sponsors.

Another hallmark in the foreign relations of the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh is its strong conviction in the core values of the Commonwealth including democracy, free and fair elections, good governance, anti-corruption and protection of human rights. A proactive member of the CW, Bangladesh took the initiative to create a Commonwealth mechanism for natural disaster management at the Malta CHOGM last year. A country deeply committed to South-South Cooperation, Bangladesh is also a strong voice for the LDCs at the Non-aligned Movement and the G-77. As one of the largest Muslim countries Bangladesh has also been playing a moderating role
at the Organisation for Islamic Conference and had made several proposals at the OIC to make it modern, dynamic and in tune with contemporary multilateral institutions.

I would like to conclude here taking inspiration and analogy on Bangladesh’s domestic situation and foreign policy with quotes by three most famous Conservative Prime Ministers.

I will start with William Gladstone who said” Here is my first principle of foreign policy: good government at home.” In Bangladesh we are aspiring to consolidate the first principle of our foreign policy, institutions for a good government at home.

I will second with Winston Churchill who said that ,”A pessimist sees the difficulty in every opportunity; an optimist sees the opportunity in every difficulty. That success is not final, failure is not fatal: it is the courage to continue that counts.” In Bangladesh we are at the crossroads of unprecedented opportunities and challenges. And we see an opportunity in every challenge now facing the Carte Taker Government of Bangladesh. Opportunities, for creating a strong foundation for a sustainable democracy and accountable governance. Opportunities, towards the creation of a society free of corruption, political violence and extremist terrorist elements.

And the last but not the least, excerpts from a famous foreign policy speech by Baroness Margaret Thatcher: Enduring success never comes easily to an individual or to a country. Let us go down in history as the generation which not only understood what needed to be done but a generation which had the strength, the self-discipline and the resolve to see it through. That is our generation.“ The new generation of Bangladeshis wants to see positive changes in their domestic practices and translate those best practices into their foreign policy. And the international community and friends around this room can make a difference in realizing these opportunities and unleashing Bangladesh’s true potential by giving their full support to the non-party Care-taker Government of Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed. I thank you.

HE Erlan A Edrissov
Ambassador of the Republic of Kazakhstan

A talk presented for the Conservative Foreign & Commonwealth Council in the House of Commons on the 26th of March 2007.

Macmillan Room,
Portcullis House,
Thames Embankment,
House of Commons

Dr. Arjan Gjonça
London School of Economics
Mailto: a.gjonca1@lse.ac.uk

i. A brief history of Albanian Foreign policy during Communism

An awareness of the past is an essential component of any understanding of the present and planning of the future. This is true in all areas even more in understanding the foreign policy of a country with a very difficult past. The Albanian foreign policy in the past decades is not just interesting to study because of its peculiarities, but also because it is eventful and very colourful compared to the present day predicted foreign policy. During the communist period until 1990, the Albanian policy has been driven by a self isolationist approach, due to the fear from the neighbouring countries as well as the other Powers being them from the West, or the former communist block. Immediately after the 2nd World War, Albania brought to an end the diplomatic relationship with both US and UK, despite being allies during the War against the nazi forces. This happened despite the humanitarian aid that Albania received during the aftermath of the War from US and UK. The discontinuation of the diplomatic relations with UK was initiated from the so-called Corfu channel incident. However, the relations worsen during the 1949-52 US-UK mission to over through the communist regime in Albania. The help Albania received from the former Soviet Union during this conflict did not also help the relations between Albania and the former communist block. Thus, in 1960-61 Albania became self isolated from the West and the East at the same time. The country’s political and economic most important ally became China, which supported Albania until late 1970s. After Mao’s death in 1978 Albania cut diplomatic relations with China, surprisely this time on ideological grounds. This is the time when a very isolationist approach follows and it is sanctioned in the 1976 constitution of the country. During this period, Albanian foreign policy can be characterised as a client relationship with the main powers.

ii. Main political event in the past 17 years in Albania

• The 1990s students demonstrations
• 1991 the first pluralist parliament
• 1991 The diplomatic relationship with US and UK were restored
• 1992 the first democratic Government in Albania
• 1994 The Balkan war (B-H war)
• 1996-7 The civil unrest of Albania
• 1999 The Kosovo War
• 2006 Albania signs the Stabilisation Association Agreement
• 2008 Albania is expected to become full member of NATO.

iii. Main Pillars of Albanian Foreign Policy today

• European Union integration
• NATO membership
• Regional multilateral relationship
• Peace and stability in the Region (The solution of Kosova’s issue as main priority in this respect)

iv. Continuation in foreign policy between all parties

• The foreign policy has not changed with the political changes in the past 10 years.

v. Albanian and NATO membership and European Integration

With the collapse of communism there was a huge support of the population to orientate the country towards the west, and NATO membership was part of this orientation. Initially the diplomatic relations were restored with the USA and UK governments, then the application for the NATO membership followed in December 1992.

The first democratic government in 1992 was very pro-western and in particular very pro-American. Membership to NATO and the Euro-Atlantic treaties were seen as priority. However, the will to become a member of NATO and the readiness for it proved to be two different things. Despite being the first of the former members of the Warsaw pact to apply for membership in NATO, but it seems to be from the last countries of the former eastern block to joint NATO, expected in 2008.

It was also easier for the Albanian government to apply for joining the NATO, first on the grounds that it was a massive support in the country. Secondly, Albania in the past decades of communism had no relationship with the Warsaw treaty and the former Soviet Union, as the rest of Eastern Europe had. Albania had no diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and Russia to follow, and was expelled from the Warsaw pact in 1968.

Another very important reason for Albania to apply for the NATO membership was the fear of a wide Balkan war, which could have started in Kosocvo. Berisha and its government were right in this respect as the war started in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, but fortunately for Albania and the Albanians not in Kosovo.

vi. The Kosovo Issue and the impact on Albanian foreign policy

o An independent and multiethnic Kosovo
o A stable FYROM that respects the rights of Albanian population
o The effects of the Kosovo issue on Albanian Foreign Policy (a pro British and American approach as strategic partners for the future developments) – Britain is pro enlargement, too.

The issue of the future of Kosovo has been an ‘inconvenience’ in the Albanian foreign policy in the past 15 years. While on national grounds Albanians have always supported the idea of an independent Kosovo, and this has been easy as it has had immense popular support, in international arena, Albania has maintained a moderate approach to the issue, emphasising the rights of Albanian to have their own independent state, by respecting the rights of the minorities in the region. However, a very careful and thoughtful policy has been applied in order not to portray Albania and Albanians as demanding a greater Albania, with Kosovo and the Albanian parts of Macedonia. They occasionally have been accused from the Serbian politicians and fragments of European politics. While it is true, that there is not much popular support for a greater Albania either in Albania or Kosovo, the existing policy has been a difficult one on two grounds. On one side Albanian governments have been under immense pressure from first, the Kosovo’s politics on having a more aggressive and active policy towards their independence. The Albanian governments could have easily played the nationalistic cards and gain some political support within Albania, enough needed to win general elections. They never played this nationalistic card. On the other side it has been immense pressure from the international community, namely EU and US to not address the issue of full independence of Kosovo in the International institutions. Despite all this pressures, Albanian foreign policy has been very balanced and it has played an immense role in bringing not just the Albanians in Kosovo in the negotiating table, but also the Albanians in Macedonia to reach a final agreement with the Macedonians (i.e. the Rambouillet and Ohrid agreements)

vii. Albania and its neighbours

Relationship with Greece: Albanian’s relationship with Greece is very important, not just that they share a border with each other, but also because Greece is a member of European Union, of which Albania aspires to become part of. In this respect Greece is influential in determining the future of Albania in Europe. This relationship is very much determined by a large number of factors, history being one, the existing of minorities in both countries, the issue of the expelled Albanian Cams; the existing war law that Greece formally maintains with Albania since Second World War, and more importantly the mutual benefits of a large emigration of Albanians in Greece - more than half a million Albanians have emigrated in Greece in the past 15 years. The history of the relationship is very important as it determines some of the main issues raised by both governments. Two historical events have had an immense impact even today in this relationship; First the Greco-Italian war of the 1940s, which mainly happened on Albanian territories, and since Albania was formally under Italian protectorate, the Greece maintain even at present (formally) a law that considers the two countries to be at War. This has not been removed even by today’s Greek parliament. The second important event is the expel from Greece in the aftermath of the Second World War of the Albanian population living in North of Greece for Centuries, the Cams, a claim that the Greek government does not recognise. The Cam population has been denied the right to their properties by any Greek government. This issue has been raised even recently as far as in 2006 by Albanian government. On the other side the Greek government throws huge support, financially and politically to the Greek minority in Albania, sometimes by interfering in the internal policy of Albania, of which Albanian government is not happy with. Despite all this, both Governments have maintained as priority in the regional relations, the development of good political and economic relationships with each other. A good example of this is the large number of investments of Greek business in Albania, and the recognition of all rights to the Greek minority in Albania by the Albanian government.

Relationship with FYROM: The relationship of Albania and Macedonia has been excellent in the past 15 years. Both countries have realised from an early stage the need for mutual support and the importance of good political and economic relationships. From one side the Albanians were interesting in the wellbeing and rights of the 26% of the population of Macedonia who are ethnically Albanians, as well as in the importance of a stable and trustworthy neighbour. In this respect Albanian parliament was the first to recognise the independence of Macedonia when they declared independence from former Yugoslavia. On the other side the Macedonians have realised that the countries progress towards EU would not be realised if they do not recognise the rights of the Albanian population in Macedonia, who also politically hold the key to any Macedonian government due to their large number of voters. In this respect the Ohrid agreement was signed that recognises all rights of Albanian population in Macedonia. In this respect a large number of bilateral agreements have been signed; i.e. free trade one, cultural and educational one, the energy supply one and many more.

James Sherr is a Fellow of the Conflict Studies Research Centre (CSRC), which is part of the Defence Academy of the United Kingdom. He is also Lecturer in International Relations at Lincoln College, Oxford and a member of the Social Studies Faculty of Oxford University. He has long served as a consultant to NATO on Ukraine. Between 1998-2000, he was a Specialist Adviser to the House of Commons Defence Committee and, between 1983-85, Director of Studies of the Royal United Services Institute for Defence Studies. He is the author of approximately 100 publications on Russia, Ukraine and European security.

Born in New York in 1951, Mr. Sherr holds British and US citizenship. He is the author of a number of articles and monographs on Soviet military doctrine and policy. He has also been engaged with wider policy discussions associated with NATO and EU enlargement, the Black Sea region and energy security. He lectures frequently at the Harvard JFK School’s Black Sea Security Programme and Russia Security Programme.

Mr Sherr explained that he is a civil servant and can speak and write without prior clearance. He defined spies as intelligence professionals.

Relations with Russia, he predicted, would get worse before they get better. Even though they are by no means good at the moment.

Nato enlargement - Russians think of it in adversarial terms and it is very difficult to discuss Ukraine calmly and rationally.

He believed that the West since 1991 has mishandled Russia. Russia is overwhelmingly state dominated and the country has defined itself as being different - as in pre world war times. 70% of the economy is in the hands of the state. The issue of energy is predominant and is what the army was to Russia.

Russia has an emphatically old-fashioned approach. Neighbouring central Asian countries are getting assertive and China is looming. Russia will be acquiring more markets and Putin will defer action on his future until the last moment; otherwise he would become a lame duck.

There is a feeling that "Western-style democracy is not for us". In Russia there has been some democracy and they believe that no democracy is not good but "the law will not get you far if you don't know the right people". There is a pervasive corruption and people make an effort to cultivate as many influential people as possible.

It was felt that Russia did not want Iran to have nuclear weapons.

Gerald was born in Guildford, Surrey, in 1947. He studied English at Southampton University. From 1971 until he first entered Parliament in 1983 Gerald worked as an international banker, for Bank of America Limited, European Arab Bank and then Standard Chartered Bank. He has been married to Elizabeth since 1973 and they have three children. Gerald was first elected to Parliament in 1983 for Cannock and Burntwood, Staffordshire, which he represented until 1992, the only Conservative ever to have served 2 terms for this coal-mining constituency. During this time, he held a number of posts, including Parliamentary Private Secretary to Margaret Thatcher. Gerald was re-elected to Parliament for Aldershot in 1997. Since then he has worked hard for his constituents and is a popular MP in this military and aviation minded constituency.

From 1997-2001 Gerald served on the Home Affairs Select Committee and was a member of the Executive of the 1922 Committee of Conservative MPs. From 2001-2003 he was Vice-Chairman of the Defence Select Committee and since 2002 he has been a Shadow Defence Minister reporting to the Hon Nicholas Soames MP, Shadow Defence Secretary, with responsibility for defence procurement, the Royal Air Force, and veterans affairs.

Gerald’s other posts include
• Chairman of the 92 Group of Conservative MPs
• Chairman of the Lords and Commons Family and Child Protection Group which campaigns on family values
• President, the Air Display Association Europe
• Vice President of the Rushmoor Odd Fellows Male Voice Choir
• President of 417 Sqn Aldershot Air Cadets
• Council Member, The Freedom Association

Defence Diplomacy = to provide forces to meet the varied activities undertaken by the MoD to dispel hostility, build and maintain trust and assist in the development of democratically accountable armed forces, thereby making a significant contribution to conflict prevention and resolution.